Originally published in Contact Magazine, Dharamsala
As the great communist leviathan in China persists in denying its citizens their most basic civil liberties, democracy among the Tibetan exiled community continues to innovate. But the vigour of its democratic institutions has not always been matched by the objects of their service – the exiled Tibetans themselves. According to Tenzin Dhardon Sharling, Research and Media Officer for the Tibetan Women’s Association (TWA), turnout in electing both the parliament and the Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister) among the Tibetan diaspora – from California to London to Dharamsala, they are allowed to vote every four years – has been ‘disappointing’; some regions barely register a few percentage points.
In a press conference in Dharamsala on March 31, 2010, the Central TWA announced their action plan towards a 2011 Kalon Tripa election that properly represents the exiled Tibetan polity. 75% is their goal. And so, across 40 regions, three continents and 6 countries – India, Nepal, Switzerland, England, USA, Canada – TWA successfully staged the first ever Kalon Tripa Mass Mock Election on July 6th, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s 75th birthday. TWA’s Vice President Samten Chodon stated, ‘TWA is determined to prepare the Tibetan voters […] the mock election is a wakeup call.’
The mock election was undertaken with optimism: 100,000 voting forms were fanned out to regional centres across the world. In the event, 10,000 were used. In London the turnout was notably poor: out of 600 forms, 15 were filled in. Tenzin Dhardon Sharling cited ignorance of the process as the main barrier. Even in Dharamsala, which saw the greatest concentration of publicity – nonetheless summoning only a 20% turnout – many did not know how to complete their voting forms and a fair few forgot their mandatory Green Book, she reported. ‘Some even turned up thinking it was the actual election!’
With the mock election wrapped up, the executive members of regional chapters took the ballots to the 10th Working Committee Meeting of TWA, held in Manali from July 16th to 22nd, for an aggregate and transparent counting. Having carefully analysed voter turnout, TWA is busy producing a report to be launched on September 10th, on the occasion of the 26th anniversary of TWA’s refounding in exile. The report will, it is hoped, provide valuable pointers for the Electoral Commission on how to better engage and respond to the needs of the Tibetan electorate. A short film, documenting the course of the mammoth operation, is slated to be shown alongside it. Most excitingly, however: after the primary election of the Kalon Tripa on October 3 this year, TWA are to convene a televised debate among the endorsed candidates – another first – to provide exiled Tibetans with a more substantial, interactive alternative to pre-written press statements.
The Tibetan Government-in-Exile was based originally on the Westminster model, used also by India – the Prime Minister was a member of parliament, and was voted into office by it alone. In the year 2000, however, the 40th year of Tibetan democracy in exile, His Holiness the Dalai Lama called for the Kalon Tripa to be elected directly by the Tibetan people. The 2011 Kalon Tripa Election, finalising on 20th March, is the third of its kind. A more presidential system has been ushered in – although His Holiness remains the head of state – under the pretext of furthering the goal of secular Tibetan institutions towards full democratic governance. Exiled Tibetans, however, have yet to show the enthusiasm expected from – and indeed, required for – this greater opportunity for democratic participation.
As Pema Thinley, editor of the independent monthly Tibetan Review, once wrote: ‘I hate to say it, but we have always lacked and still do lack the most basic requisite for democratisation: willingness on the part of the people to take responsibility for their own affairs and destiny. Our stock response to all national issues still remains, “His Holiness knows best,” even though the Dalai Lama has repeatedly emphasised that it is not in Tibet’s best interest for the people to depend on him for everything and for ever.’
As the great communist leviathan in China persists in denying its citizens their most basic civil liberties, democracy among the Tibetan exiled community continues to innovate. But the vigour of its democratic institutions has not always been matched by the objects of their service – the exiled Tibetans themselves. According to Tenzin Dhardon Sharling, Research and Media Officer for the Tibetan Women’s Association (TWA), turnout in electing both the parliament and the Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister) among the Tibetan diaspora – from California to London to Dharamsala, they are allowed to vote every four years – has been ‘disappointing’; some regions barely register a few percentage points.
In a press conference in Dharamsala on March 31, 2010, the Central TWA announced their action plan towards a 2011 Kalon Tripa election that properly represents the exiled Tibetan polity. 75% is their goal. And so, across 40 regions, three continents and 6 countries – India, Nepal, Switzerland, England, USA, Canada – TWA successfully staged the first ever Kalon Tripa Mass Mock Election on July 6th, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s 75th birthday. TWA’s Vice President Samten Chodon stated, ‘TWA is determined to prepare the Tibetan voters […] the mock election is a wakeup call.’
The mock election was undertaken with optimism: 100,000 voting forms were fanned out to regional centres across the world. In the event, 10,000 were used. In London the turnout was notably poor: out of 600 forms, 15 were filled in. Tenzin Dhardon Sharling cited ignorance of the process as the main barrier. Even in Dharamsala, which saw the greatest concentration of publicity – nonetheless summoning only a 20% turnout – many did not know how to complete their voting forms and a fair few forgot their mandatory Green Book, she reported. ‘Some even turned up thinking it was the actual election!’
With the mock election wrapped up, the executive members of regional chapters took the ballots to the 10th Working Committee Meeting of TWA, held in Manali from July 16th to 22nd, for an aggregate and transparent counting. Having carefully analysed voter turnout, TWA is busy producing a report to be launched on September 10th, on the occasion of the 26th anniversary of TWA’s refounding in exile. The report will, it is hoped, provide valuable pointers for the Electoral Commission on how to better engage and respond to the needs of the Tibetan electorate. A short film, documenting the course of the mammoth operation, is slated to be shown alongside it. Most excitingly, however: after the primary election of the Kalon Tripa on October 3 this year, TWA are to convene a televised debate among the endorsed candidates – another first – to provide exiled Tibetans with a more substantial, interactive alternative to pre-written press statements.
The Tibetan Government-in-Exile was based originally on the Westminster model, used also by India – the Prime Minister was a member of parliament, and was voted into office by it alone. In the year 2000, however, the 40th year of Tibetan democracy in exile, His Holiness the Dalai Lama called for the Kalon Tripa to be elected directly by the Tibetan people. The 2011 Kalon Tripa Election, finalising on 20th March, is the third of its kind. A more presidential system has been ushered in – although His Holiness remains the head of state – under the pretext of furthering the goal of secular Tibetan institutions towards full democratic governance. Exiled Tibetans, however, have yet to show the enthusiasm expected from – and indeed, required for – this greater opportunity for democratic participation.
As Pema Thinley, editor of the independent monthly Tibetan Review, once wrote: ‘I hate to say it, but we have always lacked and still do lack the most basic requisite for democratisation: willingness on the part of the people to take responsibility for their own affairs and destiny. Our stock response to all national issues still remains, “His Holiness knows best,” even though the Dalai Lama has repeatedly emphasised that it is not in Tibet’s best interest for the people to depend on him for everything and for ever.’
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